Selected for Best Australian Political Writing 2009
REVISITING 'THE MOONLIGHT state' required distance. The effort involved in investigating systemic police corruption in Queensland for Four Corners back in 1987 nearly finished me. It was all hard labour, relentless and depressing, month after month, well into the night. Drug dealers and prostitutes don't keep office hours. They are not the most enlightening folk, and their stories are rarely uplifting.
When the program was broadcast in May 1987, I had come to a personal view that if this was what it took to do substantial journalism then the job was not worth it. At the time, if I could have stepped back, I might have seen the better view. Entrenched corruption had been revealed. Police Commissioner Sir Terrence Lewis was later jailed; the long reign of the Bjelke-Petersen government which had sustained him soon ended; and Queensland was allowed to begin the process of recovery.
Formal credit for breaking the story went to the Courier-Mail, with Phil Dickie winning the Gold Walkley award. For me, there were thirteen more years down the sewer defending the ABC's report. I came to think of that period as my death by a thousand courts.
During the subsequent defamation decade, there was no choice but to find the energy for the ordeal. The stakes were higher than the reputation of the program. The fight was about defending investigative journalism. The years reeled by. The ABC won. A retrial was ordered and the ABC won again. And by the time the century had turned, I was over my curiosity about the secret life of Queensland.
I could at last look away – and did so eagerly, but for an occasional nervous rearward glance, as if to check whether an angry posse of police and lawyers was still on my tail.
Some questions remained unanswered. Not the least was why the program worked when other similar reports had not. I could see some reasons, but clearly forces external to our own work were also important. Premier Joh's twenty-year grip on power had slipped, allowing ambition and insurrection to swell in the National Party. Commissioner Lewis was also losing control, as his Rum Corps system of grafting became more visible to national police agencies.
The Four Corners inquiry had focused more on police corruption than politics. An inquiry commissioned by Sir Joh's deputy, Bill Gunn, and undertaken by the formidable Tony Fitzgerald, later made the link to political corruption that helped sink Gunn's own party. Some ministers were jailed for minor offences such as the misuse of expenses. Joh's senior ally, the so-called Minister for Everything Russell Hinze, was found to have received around four million dollars in bribes. He died before he could be tried. Sir Joh was also investigated for corruption, but charged with perjury.
The case against the former premier was famously abandoned in 1991 when a jury split – with one of two dissenters a member of the Young Nationals. The lack of resolution left open one of the biggest questions: was Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen a crook? Queenslanders remained divided on the great divider. Ask and they will tell you. Joh was a villain; Joh was a martyr.
When he died in 2005, the bitterness and the questions were not laid to rest. The ailing old man had been seen being pushed around in a wheelchair by the state's Labor premier, Peter Beattie, who further offended the party memory by granting Joh a state funeral. A new question had surfaced about Joh's personal wealth. The former multi-millionaire proved to be dead broke. Beattie had rejected a claim of $338 million to compensate for losses blamed on the Fitzgerald Inquiry, but he did agree to payment of a small annual postage allowance. When the family called asking for the cheque, Beattie knew they needed the money.
The cost of Joh's legal representation, some of it unpaid, did not seem to fully explain the loss of that presumed fortune. And the frail state of the family's finances made it clear that there was no access to seams of hidden treasure.
When I returned to Queensland, the subject of Joh and his government came up time and again. The Fitzgerald Inquiry had profoundly demonstrated a mess of crookedness. But over and over, I heard the proposition that Joh was the best leader of the best government Queensland had ever seen – and not just from taxi drivers. Former National Party ministers would say of Hinze: ‘But he was a good minister', as if the corruption could easily be reconciled.
This was the most troubling question. Why did it not seem to matter? Is there, deep within the soul of this nation of prisoners and prison guards, a secret belief that corruption works, and is part of who we are?
MORE TIME PASSED, and someone told me the twentieth anniversary of Joh's near twenty-year term as premier was coming up. So I took a breath and asked my executive producer at Four Corners, Sue Spencer, whether this might be a good time to examine these questions. Soon, body and soul, I was back in the moonlight state.
Tracking the political circumstances that had ended Joh's reign was the easiest part. Politicians have a good feel for the weight of history. They are often a big part of it. We approached Joh's former colleagues and, although sometimes prickly at first, most agreed to talk. In the main they were positive and defensive – history had been unfair to their leader. But the passage of time also produced the odd flush of candour.
Their account took me behind the bumblebee persona to a clever political operator who in twenty years doubled the party's vote. A notorious gerrymander had helped, but did not account for this extraordinary political achievement. Joh's political guile had given him hero status within the conservative right, and grudging respect among Labor opponents, state and federal.
In his early period in particular, Joh presided over strong economic growth, which transformed Queensland from its Cinderella status. He had relied on clever advice from the likes of Treasury boss Sir Leo Hielscher, but had made an undeniable contribution. As Hielscher put it: ‘He was outstanding in his appreciation of what the objective was [but] he didn't know very much about how to get there.'
Bjelke-Petersen was ahead of his time in image management, appearing at least to be engaged with his public, particularly those outside Queensland's populous south-east corner. He was one of the first to employ advisers, such as ABC reporter Allen Callaghan, who knew how to set the media agenda. ‘Feeding the chooks', as Joh described it, became a routine and enduring practice.
And Joh played his own part well. As Callaghan told me, all that mangling of the dictionary did not make him a bad communicator. Up close, people – even enemies – had their animosity blunted by disarming charm. Joh would remember your name and, as old mate Bill Roberts recalled, would ‘take the teapot around'.
There were weaknesses. The other side of the legendary bush battler upbringing – sweating from dusk to dawn; bunking down for fifteen years in a cow bail – meant he not just eschewed the scholarly, but allowed himself an anti-intellectual vanity. Joh was not one for reading. He would champion ‘commonsense' ideas that were anything but. Milan Brych, who promised a cure for cancer, was one of a band of conmen and heartbreakers to get through Joh's door.
As he became more successful, it became that much more difficult to tell him he was wrong. A key adviser, Ken Crooke, explained that Joh did not want naysayers around him. He preferred positive people who could find a way to get things done. It may have been his embedded Christian convictions that generated a moral certainty which at times proved delusional.
Joh's colleagues saw him as a stickler for propriety. The premier would insist on travel being strictly for government business. But he loved flying so much that he didn't seem to be able to help himself. Joh would wangle a place on the government aircraft to head off to negotiate a coal contract when all around him knew there was no need for him to be there. Up the front with his pilot, Beryl Young, there was peace and calm – perhaps at times disturbed by the anguished muttering of ministers and public servants down the back.
Another indulgence was playing god. When he stepped down from the plane at a country airstrip, Joh would walk into the embrace of an adoring court. Think of a Country Party version of a deplaning Rolling Stone. Liberal treasurer Sir Llew Edwards, one of many to have mixed views on Joh, would see the fans press forward, pushing for a small hospital to be built in their town. Edwards said Joh would typically turn and tell him: ‘You look after these good people, Llew.' When Edwards later did the sums and discovered it would be cheaper to buy them a bus than duplicate a service that was one town away, Joh would be less pleased.
Before his death, another Liberal treasurer, Sir Thomas Hiley, shared with me another revealing tale. Driving through Country Party heartland, he remembered Joh asking the driver to stop as they passed a farmer selling watermelons. Joh sent the driver to pick up a melon. He soon returned, explaining that the farmer wanted a shilling. They drove on without the melon. Hiley wasn't the only one to tell me Joh had a curious sense of the privilege of office.
AND WHEN IT came to retaining office, Joh respected few – if any – boundaries. Towards the end of his long run, checks and balances that might have been applied by the National Party machine began to fall away. Joh began to war with party chairman Sir Robert Sparkes, preferring the advice of carpetbaggers such as ‘Top Level' Ted Lyons. Bjelke-Petersen and Lyons set up an account, Kaldeal, with a view to funding candidates and a political direction of their choosing. A donation from a Singapore businessman, Robert Sng, led to the humiliating ordeal of a public trial.
When Sng arrived in Joh's office in 1986, his credentials amounted to not much more than the $300,000 he was prepared to donate – money hurriedly borrowed from a backyard lender in Sydney. Sng would later end up in a Philippines prison. He could not claim the credibility of rival tenderers for a riverfront hotel development.
Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen's later account of this transaction to the Fitzgerald Inquiry resulted in first a saga of an ultimately abandoned perjury trial, and second a saga of a Criminal Justice Commission inquiry which found the jury had been manipulated by background players in Joh's legal team.
The long and sorry episode deepened rather than healed old wounds. A telling example of the divide is the story of the Crooke brothers, Ken and Gary. The former, a Bjelke-Petersen senior adviser and close family friend, saw nothing but honesty in Joh, and in the end an old man ‘being charged with having a bad memory'.
Gary Crooke, senior counsel with the Fitzgerald Inquiry, remains pained by the way people excused Joh's ‘moral lapses' because of his ‘contribution to public works'.
The Sng matter, though unresolved, is revealing all the same. Fitzgerald investigator Inspector John Huey told me that, although he saw the payment as corrupt, he found no evidence of Joh using any of the money for personal gain. Huey's problem was that rival tenderers might not be given the same consideration.
In his last decade as premier, Joh had come to see himself as an über chief executive officer, presiding over the business of Queensland. His high profile made him a good fundraiser, but this backdoor bargaining was not good governance and not even good politics. By the '80s, there were too many cronies. It was only a matter of time before those who missed out turned on the party. Fellow ministers were also becoming suspicious about the way business was done.
IN 1985, JOH had given his blessing to a doubtful project with dubious backing: a proposed 107-storey skyscraper next to Brisbane's Central Railway Station. Though never constructed, ‘the world's tallest building' as it was proclaimed continues to cast a long shadow. The government agreed to pre-purchase office space. Joh had overridden existing advice, pushing the project so hard that at least one minister came to the view there must have been the promise of a bribe. There was unaccustomed opposition in Cabinet. Health Minister Mike Ahern saw defiance of the premier's will on this project as the catalyst for Joh's sacking of ministers. This set up the circumstances that led to Ahern's successful November 1987 challenge for the leadership.
It had been an amazing year, and an amazing fall from grace. The November 1986 election was a massive victory for Joh: his party won an extra eight seats. The Nationals were ruling alone, with Joh having let slip the steadying hand of the Liberals in the previous election.
Bjelke-Petersen, still answering his own phone unchecked, turned more to the advice of Ted Lyons and the extreme right of his support base. And this was where the mad tilt for Canberra began. One National Party insider told me he remembered well the first time he heard about a meeting of plotters to make Joh prime minister because it was D-Day – June 6, 1986.
Mike Gore, a white-shoe developer who had been helped by Joh, had organised the meeting. He said he had a lot of money and a lot of backing from enthusiasts such as Lang Hancock, Kerry Packer and other entrepreneurs inclined to view government and process as little more than a nuisance. The plan remained secret for the rest of the year. The collaborators did not want Queensland voters to know that the man they would re-elect was not intending to stick around.
Joh's Industry and Technology Minister, Peter McKechnie, had seen it coming. He remembered Joh coming into Cabinet, complaining that there was no effective opposition to the Hawke Labor government and asking them to come up with a challenger to Liberal leader John Howard. When no names came forward, Joh declared: ‘I'll have to do it myself.'
McKechnie is not alone in believing another plotter was his Cabinet colleague Russ Hinze. McKechnie thought the second part of the plan was to have Hinze replace Bjelke-Petersen as premier. At this stage, the Queensland National Party had a very effective backroom team, which was trapped into supporting a campaign that party leader Robert Sparkes knew was ridiculous.
The end came almost a year to the day after it began. The Joh for PM backers had neither the money nor organisation to rearrange the federal Coalition. This was finally made apparent at a private meeting at John Howard's Sydney home in June 1987. Howard, who saw Joh as a wrecker of conservative politics, let fly at Bjelke-Petersen's team while Joh sat on the plane chatting to Beryl. One who was there told me the campaign was dead from that moment.
NOT THAT I would wnt to push the metaphor, but when Joh returned to Brisbane it might have felt like Berlin 1945: the Russians approaching in one direction and the Americans in another. By now, the Fitzgerald Inquiry was underway.
Deputy Premier Bill Gunn had commissioned it in Joh's absence. Ambition may have been a motive as questions were mounting about Joh's acuity, integrity and electoral appeal. But Gunn also wanted to settle ongoing concern about racketeering in the vice industry, which had again surfaced. Gunn was dissatisfied with Lewis's dissembling. Among the older hands, suspicion had lingered since his controversial appointment back in 1976. At that time, outgoing police commissioner Ray Whitrod made his belief public that Terry Lewis was a crook.
Even so, Terry and Joh quickly became a pair, the commissioner attending to the premier's bidding and squirming a place in the inner circle. This annoyed police ministers who, responding to whispers and allegations, found Lewis going behind their backs and straight to the premier.
In the preceding decade, the local media – the Courier-Mail, the Brisbane Sun and the ABC – had regularly sounded warnings, which were routinely managed by the premier's media unit to limit the damage control. Police whistleblowers would be subjected to Bjelke-Petersen's biblical wrath, the premier often cruelly casting out the non-believers. The premier with the appeal of a kindly uncle had a vicious streak which served to silence dissent and elevate his standing as a strong leader.
The quid pro quo for Terry Lewis was that he was able to proceed with some of the grubby tricks he had learned as a sergeant standing over prostitutes and petty criminals. As he rose through police and social ranks to become Sir Terrence, he failed to surrender what many police considered an informal tax on the underworld.
A close mate of Lewis who made no secret of his weakness for money, retired Licensing Branch sergeant Jack Herbert, was recruited to act as a go-between, collecting payments from franchised brothel keepers and the like and distributing them to select police, in on what they called The Joke.
It was an unsustainable arrangement. Most criminal bargaining is disorganised and lantana like. Conversely, there was architecture to The Joke, which when the time came made it more visible and easier to disentangle.
There was also sophistry to the private justification that it was benign, that once the criminals were ‘green-lighted' for running brothels and illegal gambling, they ensnared the police into protecting them for more serious crimes such as drug-trafficking. Another problem was that it was all so undemocratic. Griping developed in the ranks closer to the streets, where they could not fail to notice the gold disappearing upwards.
YEARS ON, I would have a memorable encounter with Jack Herbert, who admitted that he had allowed himself to believe they were untouchable. As he pointed out, Lewis was in a position to sack troublesome police ministers. And they had a former cop turned politician, Don ‘Shady' Lane, who could warn of what was being discussed in Cabinet. They also had other well-placed cockatoos in strategic positions, such as the Bureau of Criminal Intelligence (BCI) – which, as it happened, was where it went wrong.
My first knowledge of systemic corruption in Queensland surfaced in 1986 in Canberra. A friend in the Australian Bureau of Criminal Intelligence told me of a Queensland BCI officer being offered a bribe by a superior to suppress information on one of the protected syndicates headed by Gerry Bellino.
I spoke to the officer, Jim Slade, who ‘off the record' confirmed the story. Other contacts within the National Crime Authority and the Australian Federal Police built a bigger picture of joint operations in Queensland frequently collapsing. One NCA officer, working on the Gold Coast, told me of his exasperation listening in to criminals and realising they had obviously been forewarned.
Later I would learn that NCA chairman Donald Stewart was having the same problems at a higher level. When he sought a reference from the Queensland government for a local operation, there was obstruction that sharpened suspicion.
Then, in March 1987, Jack Herbert's wife Peggy noticed a film crew outside their Bowen Hills home, and the jokers started to panic. The acquisitive Herbert had made a silly mistake, buying the house fifteen months earlier from Gerry Bellino and his partner Vic Conte. Greed had overwhelmed caution. Herbert took possession of the property at a knock-down rate in part-compensation for bribes owed. The Jordan Terrace house was important evidence which linked police to the underworld.
Lewis and his cronies were already unnerved by Four Corners' inquiries. Queensland undercover police had been assigned to watch us. But a friendly force also intervened in the form of Australian Federal Police officers, also watching and supplying me with helpful warnings. Lewis told Herbert to shut down contact lest they be filmed. Herbert said they all became jumpy, seeing Four Corners crews everywhere.
When ‘The Moonlight State' went to air on May 11, 1987, I knew we had strong evidence, but I was less aware of those other elements in the air – the instability of the Bjelke-Petersen regime and the high pressure system moving in on the crooked police – that would increase the volatility of the report.
I was not the only one to fail to see what was coming. When Joh's close ally Russ Hinze watched the program, press secretary Russell Grenning said he was delighted. Hinze disliked Lewis enough to enjoy seeing him squirm. There had been occasion when, because of Lewis, he had been forced to squirm. As police minister in the early 1980s, at a press conference Russell Hinze had famously denied the existence of brothels and casinos operating within plain sight of reporters. Russell Grenning told me the denial had been qualified with carefully chosen words: ‘My commissioner assures me ...' Looking through the film archive, I found he was right. With ample cunning of his own, Hinze, of course, knew better.
So did Bill Gunn when he became police minister, another of a range of reasons why he avoided the conventional three-step of allegation, denial and cover-up. Coverage in the national media meant the embarrassment could not so readily be contained. There had been blushing, too, among the party faithful who had railed against condom-vending machines on the campus of the University of Queensland, but saw much worse on the ABC.
WHEN CASTING FOR names to run the inquiry, Justice Minister Neville Harper recommended a quiet, intelligent Brisbane judge who had not specialised in criminal work, Tony Fitzgerald. If there was a belief that Fitzgerald was not street-smart enough to outwit the cops, it would not have been shared by National Party counsel Ian Callinan QC, who is also said to have pushed for Fitzgerald.
Another factor that ended up making a difference was the energy and commitment applied by some members of the Brisbane legal community. There had been disquiet ever since the National Hotel Inquiry of the early '60s investigated a similar pattern of complaints and let the constabulary off the hook. Since then, there had been exasperation at the barely ingenuous serial verballing and smarting at the proposition that the cops might again outsmart the lawyers.
Joh Bjelke-Petersen opposed Gunn's inquiry; the bush-bred premier warned his colleagues that when you lift an old piece of tin you are likely to find a dead cat or an angry snake. As they began to find much worse, there was some wobbling among the Nationals.
This was dealt with somewhat dramatically by Joh's successor, Mike Ahern, one of only a handful of ministers with a degree. When Ahern heard of plans to dump Fitzgerald's recommendations, he delivered a public guarantee that they be implemented ‘lock stock and barrel'. Unforgiven by some as a traitor to his party, he remains for others a hero to Queensland.
Whether or to what degree Bjelke-Petersen was in on The Joke remains contentious. While I heard from at least one well-placed source that, in the parlance, Joh was ‘getting a bag' from the cops, I came to see this as unlikely. While Bjelke-Petersen had been worse than negligent in his stewardship of the police, no evidence emerged to directly connect him to the corruption. Jack Herbert, who accepted an indemnity from the Fitzgerald Inquiry on the proviso he told all the truth, knew of no link to Joh.
One reason the suspicion lingered among investigators and a few of Joh's colleagues was that they knew at this time, through the 1980s, that he had money troubles. Keen to help his son John start his own farm, Joh borrowed $1.5 million. Seeking further working capital and taking the advice of his mate Sir Edward Lyons, Joh refinanced the debt, borrowing $3 million in Swiss francs. Like many others caught at the time, he then watched interest rates escalate to a point where he had trouble meeting the payments.
When Bjelke-Petersen entered parliament forty years earlier, he was considered a wealthy man. But the money had not stuck. Joh's contracting work was his main source of income. Without him, the business waned. And as an entrepreneur he had less success, losing money on aerial agriculture and oil exploration.
The worst mistake was rejecting his parliamentary superannuation entitlement, a decision he came to regret. He did so early in his career – some say for ideological reasons, others because he did not properly understand it and figured he could better manage his money. But money management was not his forte, as his wife and bookkeeper Lady Florence explained: ‘I don't know whether he always actually thought of the money part of the thing. He just knew what he wanted to do ... we wanted to establish John up there and give him the opportunity.'
When Sir Joh is accused of corruption, the finger points mostly at ‘Ten Mile'. The European Asian Bank had granted him the loan, seeing that assisting the premier would open avenues in Queensland, and ‘if refused negatively affect business in the state'.
Public money was spent upgrading roads and infrastructure to the property. The industrialist Sir Leslie Thiess helped out. A defamation jury found in 1992 that Thiess had bribed Bjelke-Petersen ‘on a large scale and on many occasions'. A maintenance yard manager for Thiess told Channel Nine that his boss had authorised repairs of a bulldozer for the premier, and after Bjelke-Petersen noticed a vice in the yard, instructed it be sent to him.
In 1986, an out of court defamation settlement of $400,000 from Alan Bond was used to pay interest on the loan. The Australian Broadcasting Tribunal later found Bjelke-Petersen had placed the then Channel Nine owner in a position of ‘commercial blackmail'. Aware of all this, Fitzgerald investigators looked hard. According to son John, they even searched the rafters of the ‘Ten Mile' homestead. It is easy to see why they might have expected to find secret stashes of loot and perhaps a stray Swiss bank account.
THE PORTRAIT OF Joh revealed as the evidence emerged has remained difficult to process, particularly for Joh haters. Bjelke-Petersen was more a scammer than a hard grafter like Hinze. He saw no breach in using his office to help his family and picking up a bit of farm equipment along the way. Conflict of interest was never a concept well understood by him. His behaviour could be considered worse than that of ministers such as Geoff Muntz, Leisha Harvey and Brian Austin, who were gaoled for abusing the privilege of office. An independent prosecutor decided against charging Joh with corruption and retrying him on the perjury charge.
By then Joh was eighty, and it hardly seemed worth it. It is also worth mentioning that the various advantages sought had done the family finances no good. So, on the questions of personal corruption, Joh was not as bad as his enemies claim and neither was he the saint seen by his friends.
As far as political corruption goes, though, he was as crooked as they come.
For me, the most telling corruption is one of character. It is one of history's favourite tales. As Joh came to achieve absolute power, he gave in to the seduction of the plane, the hotel suites and the royal treatment. His improving appetite for these indulgences kept successors at bay and ultimately helped stunt the Coalition. Joh was like one of those huge Queensland fig trees, under which nothing grows.
Over time, vanity opened wider the door on poor judgement. Privately as well as publicly, he turned out to be no great economic manager. When he left office at the end of 1987, on a range of economic indicators Queensland was not performing well. Another indulgence had been to politicise the hated bureaucracy, which ironically had helped build his reputation as a progressive leader.
Here is his biggest failure. While loyalists still push the proposition that the greatness in Joh was his leadership, the evidence reveals the opposite. In the end he was being led – by a sometimes tawdry bunch. Joh was, and is, the ‘battered image of our weakness', his brethren using this image to turn their own frailties into strength.
The Joh era delivered other unexpected outcomes. He not only brought his own party close to destruction, but helped reinvent the enemy. Through the rubble of the Bjelke-Petersen era emerged a populist Labor prime minister.
Wayne Goss is proud of having selected an unknown, Kevin Rudd, as his chief of staff when in opposition in 1988. Rudd is still known to insiders as ‘Dr Death' for allegedly visiting even greater violence upon the public sector when he became director general of the Cabinet Office. Hard decisions were made. The way government worked changed. The formula developed through the reform era – of planning and building ideas, developing and costing policy ahead of implementation – would be exported to the nation when Kevin Rudd became prime minister in 2007.
A common criticism of process overtaking progress fails to recognise just how far process had broken down in the Joh era. A failure of process sunk him in the end. Integrity of government is not just a moral issue: there are practical consequences. If the system is crook, that system fails to work. Wayne Goss rebuilt the system, restoring integrity and more. I have not seen a city so dramatically changed in twenty years as Brisbane. With traffic jams and all, it is now much more than a big country town.
The critics take a similar line on the cops. I hear from time to time that things are supposed to be as bad as ever. But when my colleagues and I search for the evidence, there – somewhat frustratingly – is little to find. It may be, as some think, that in this new era of open government the evidence, curiously, is easier to hide. It may be true that the smarties have found sneakier ways to disguise misbehaviour.
What I know is that a couple of spivs from Fortitude Valley no longer control the Queensland Police. Homosexuals aren't routinely bashed. Honest police are much less likely to be punished for resisting corruption. And a dishonest police commissioner was sent to gaol – a terrific start. Skills acquired by Fitzgerald investigators were exported to other reform bodies. An important generational change in policing, still in a painful cycle, grew across to Western Australia and south to New South Wales.
Queensland is still getting over the anger and bitterness of one generation's subjection to long-neglected reform. When change is that dramatic, a different social and economic order too swiftly emerges. Good gets done, but good people also get hurt. Take the story of the Crooke brothers, both talented and decent. Gary has been favoured by the new era. He runs the Queensland Integrity Commission and, as one of the exporters of Fitzgerald skill-sets, formerly assisted the Wood inquiry into police corruption in New South Wales and chaired the National Crime Authority. Ken, who was a powerful figure in the Bjelke-Petersen administration, watched the era vanish.
All through Queensland, there are similar examples of people on both sides wrong-footed as the world was reshaped around them. It is sad to hear that Tony Fitzgerald does not go to reunions and that Peter Beattie is still hated for breaking bread with Bjelke-Petersen.
But Queenslanders, and others like me, are getting over it.
Level 4, Griffith Graduate Centre
South Bank, Campus – Griffith University
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